Papers

• The Asymmetric Effects of Internet Shutdowns on Protests and Armed Conflict: The Case of Myanmar Megan Ryan University of Michigan

  Do internet shutdowns help or hurt anti-regime resistance forces? Do the effects vary for different types of resistance? On February 1, 2021 the Myanmar military’s illegal coup ended Myanmar’s decade-long experiment with democracy, triggering a nationwide revolutionary movement to resist the coup and fight for a federal democratic Myanmar. Digital technologies have been critical to this multi-front battle between the military and resistance forces. Peaceful protesters and armed resistance fighters have used social media platforms to generate outrage against military abuses and to coordinate resistance activities. On the other hand, military officers use social media to track and arrest dissidents. In order to disrupt opposition activities and gain an advantage on the battlefield, the military has used internet shutdowns. However, the fact that both the military and resistance forces rely on social media during the post-coup struggle for power suggests that internet shutdowns could be a double-edged sword for the military. Furthermore, while armed and unarmed resistance forces utilize social media, the extent to which each type of actor uses such platforms to coordinate resistance activities is unknown. We estimate the effect of the internet shutdown on all conflict conflict activities, political violence, and peaceful demonstrations using a difference-in-differences design. Specifically, we use the Myanmar military’s March 15, 2021 shutdown of mobile internet and pre-existing differences in internet access at the township level, to estimate the relative effect of this internet shutdown on different forms of resistance.

• A Logic of Forced Labor During Mass Atrocity: Evidence from Cambodia Rachel Jacobs Dickinson College

  This paper compares strategies of direct and indirect violence in the perpetration of mass atrocity, focusing on the use of enslavement. It asks: why would a regime use strategies of forced labor during periods of mass atrocity? I argue that economic interests make strategies of forced labor or enslavement necessary if the regime’s vision relies on industrial or agricultural production. In this paper, I use a case study of Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge (1975-1979) to explain the variation in strategies of violence across the country. Despite the uniform eliminationist ideology that underpinned the regime, there was wide variation in the ways that population groups were targeted, either for extermination or for forced labor, among other forms of violence. I find that indirect violence was more likely in areas where the state had higher crop yields, which created an incentive not to execute undesirable populations groups because they became a necessary labor force. Further, high status groups were also coerced into forced labor in the high production regions, despite their elevated political or social status. Through this case study, I demonstrate that the logic by which a regime governs during periods of mass atrocity can be used as a strategy of violence against civilians. Further, this paper argues that indirect violence - man-made famine, droughts, or epidemics - can be used strategically alongside more traditionally studied forms of direct violence

• The Administrative Court and the Conflict in the Deep South Province of Thailand: A Challenge to Lasting Peace Mechanisms Thitiwut Boonyawongwiwat Chiang Mai University

  Over the past two decades, the deep south province of Thailand has been gripped by relentless violence, casting a shadow over its communities and fostering division among its residents. From the menace of extremism to the heavy hand of state oppression, everyday life is marred by the specter of violence. Despite numerous efforts and significant resources poured into resolving this conflict, progress towards peace remains frustratingly out of reach. In this intricate tapestry of strife, one often-overlooked institution shines bright—the Administrative Court. This study aims to explore the pivotal role played by the Administrative Court in dispensing justice amidst conflict in the deep south province. Employing a qualitative methodology, drawing upon documentary data, Administrative Court judgments, and in-depth interviews, the research argues that since its establishment in 1999, the Administrative Court has emerged as a cornerstone in fostering justice, particularly in navigating the complex dynamics between the state and society.
  While the court may not be directly involved in the peace process specific to the deep south province, its influence is profound in shaping and carving out a space for justice for individuals entangled in issues involving state authorities. Significantly, the Administrative Court contributes to the reevaluation and refinement of bureaucratic systems, historically fraught with tension and conflict. Looking ahead, this research endeavors to illustrate that if the Administrative Court continues to evolve and broaden its scope to embrace greater public participation, it could emerge as a pivotal force in achieving lasting peace. In the long term, such a judicial body could also address systemic issues, including the problem of jurisdictional violence inherent in state actions. Despite its lack of direct involvement in political negotiations among conflicting parties, its role in tackling structural challenges holds immense potential to significantly bolster sustainable peace in the region.

• ‘Canes Build Ministers’: State violence and the origins of authoritarianism at an elite Thai school, 1932-1941. Daniel Whitehouse SOAS

  On June 24th, 1932, The People’s Party toppled Siam’s absolute monarchy. Hours later, Pridi Panomyong, the coup’s ideological leader, dispatched an armored tank to his alma mater, the prestigious all-boys secondary school Suan Kularb Withayalai. An envoy convened an emergency assembly, where students were coerced at gunpoint to march in support of the new government. In the months that followed, Suan Kularb students became an important political tool of the state, called upon to publicly defend the precarious administration. When students began to demand their own reforms, however, the increasingly militaristic state responded with ideological indoctrination and unprecedented forms of institutional violence. Teachers infamous for excessive disciplinary practices were promoted and Suan Kularb became known as the kingdom’s strictest school, with students regularly beaten for minor infractions, such as looking out of a window. Accessing previously untapped archives of personal writings, this paper explores the nature and legacy of this intense period, with particular focus on how the psychic effects of this repression haunted a generation of leaders, some of whom went on to orchestrate the most egregious political violence in contemporary Thai history.

Abstract